Category: Politics
Kilmainham Gaol
It is interesting that Ireland’s modern political history is best told in a horrific prison. Kilmainham Gaol is a powerful symbol of the struggles of the Irish people. Architecturally, it resembles the prison in The Shawshank Redemption. Unforgiving stones and steel. Our tour guide was a burly, passionate Irishman with a full beard who talked non-stop for almost an hour and a half in a presentation that was rich with fact, anecdote and drama. For instance, here’s a picture of the altar where Joseph Plunkett, one of the leaders of the 1916 uprising, married his beloved, 3 hours before he was executed by firing squad. His bride lived to her 70’s and never remarried.
But the history of the prison vastly pre-dated this event, having been build in the late 1600’s. All the Irish rebels through the years passed through Kilmainham. The most dramatic story was that of Anne Devlin, who effectively sacrificed her entire family, not to mention herself, for the cause of Ireland. I’m not disciplined enough recount her story, but click here for more. It was our tour guide’s most passionate story and he concluded with the protest that one of the most grievous omissions in Irish history was the minor place to which this heroic woman is relegated.
The prison is now a multi-use facility where there are often concerts or theatrical performances. It has also been used as a movie set, recently in the movie Michael Collins with Liam Neeson, which, outside of the dramatic love story, is a pretty accurate account of the founding of the Irish Republic. Collins, of course, served time in Kilmainham.
Have Your Cake…
In fairness, many of us are guilty of wanting the benefits of something — whether it’s board certification or full campaign coffers — without paying the price.
Like the Gulf Coast residents who want government off their backs, until a hurricane or oil spill comes along.
Or the Farm Bureau that wants government off the farm, except for the mailbox which is always open to subsidy checks.
Or politicians who rail against out-of-control spending but show up to take credit when a ribbon is cut or oversized check presented.
Or all the rest of us, who resent the chunk of change that government extracts from our pockets but want smooth roads, good schools, police and fire protection, national security, personal security in old age, free markets governed by laws, student loans, flood walls, lakes and parks and the list goes on.
The Tea Party movement, of which Paul is both a leader and beneficiary, feeds the comforting illusion that we can have all we’ve come to expect from government without paying for it. We buy into this illusion at our own peril.

Friedman and False Equivalency
We cannot fix what ails America unless we look honestly at our own roles
in creating our own problems. We — both parties — created an awful
set of incentives that encouraged our best students to go to Wall Street
to create crazy financial instruments instead of to Silicon Valley to
create new products that improve people’s lives. We — both parties —
created massive tax incentives and cheap money to make home mortgages
available to people who really didn’t have the means to sustain them.
And we — both parties — sent BP out in the gulf to get us as much
oil as possible at the cheapest price.
He’s just wrong. It’s not “both parties.” For the most part, he describes the logical outcomes of the conservative policies that have held prominence since Ronald Reagan’s Administration. The fact is that one party is actively trying to address these problems and the other party either denies their existence or simply obstructs solutions for political reasons. So, here’s Friedman later in his piece:
We need to make our whole country more sustainable. So let’s pass an
energy-climate bill that really reduces our dependence on Middle East
oil. Let’s pass a financial regulatory reform bill that really reduces
the odds of another banking crisis. Let’s get our fiscal house in order,
as the economy recovers. And let’s pass an immigration bill that will
enable us to attract the world’s top talent and remain the world’s
leader in innovation.
Let’s see, now. Who is trying to enact the legislation he says we need and who’s blocking it?
Only by calling out the obstructionists (read: Republicans) can we really move the policy. But Friedman prefers his posture a an objective observer, above it all, damning both houses, and accomplishing nothing.

Today’s Favorite Before 9
Jonathan Chait in the New Republic effectively clarifies things:
So the accusation is some kind of quid pro quo in which Sestak would receive a job in return for quitting the Pennsylvania Democratic primary. This is ridiculous. You can’t offer a Senator, or prospective Senator, a job in exchange for them abandoning the Senate, because accepting the job inherently means leaving the Senate. You can’t be both a Senator and an executive branch employee. Last year, the White House offered a cabinet job to Senator Judd Gregg. This was not “in exchange” for him leaving the Senate, because he had to leave the Senate to take the job. Moreover, Gregg briefly accepted the job in exchange for a promise that New Hampshire’s Democratic governor would appoint his Republican chief of staff, not a Democrat, to replace him. But nobody suggested that this deal was illegal or unethical.
Thank you.

Blame Bush
We’re in the aftermath of a financial crisis — and there’s overwhelming evidence (pdf) that recovery from financial crises is almost always protracted and difficult.

Explain this
Oh yeah? Explain this.
The Economist Gets It Wrong
It is not so much that America is ungovernable, as that Mr Obama has done a lousy job of winning over Republicans and independents to the causes he favours. If, instead of handing over health care to his party’s left wing, he had lived up to his promise to be a bipartisan president and courted conservatives by offering, say, reform of the tort system, he might have got health care through; by giving ground on nuclear power, he may now stand a chance of getting a climate bill.
Wrong! Obama did offer to negotiate over tort reform and was rebuffed by the Republicans. And what of the three months was given over to Finance Chair Sen. Max Baucus to come up with a bipartisan healthcare reform bill? The strategy of the Republicans, which Sen. Grassley, minority leader of the committee, explicitly gave away, was to slow the process down and hope that lighten would strike and kill the bill. Sure enough, lighten struck in Massachusetts, but didn’t quite kill it.
But for the Economist to totally absolve the Republicans for any responsibility for the gridlock in Washington is laughable. They are tacitly portrayed as this poor, ignored collection of principled conservatives. When, in fact, they are a wrecking crew, bent on the destruction of the Obama presidency.
As Obama has learned, it is very hard to find common ground with people whose fondest wish is your utter failure.

Bye, Bye Bayh
The harsh reality is that Bayh has been wrong about virtually everything. And the country suffers not because partisanship blocked action, but because the establishment consensus got too much of his agenda enacted.
Bayh supported the catastrophic invasion of Iraq. He joined the bipartisan celebration of banking deregulation. He favors more military spending. He favored tax breaks for the wealthiest Americans in an age of Gilded Age inequality. He was an advocate of corporate free trade policies that encouraged multinationals to ship jobs to a mercantilist China willing to subsidize them. He’s a champion of bipartisanship — bipartisan folly.
Even in his departing, he got it wrong. Bayh announced on CBS’s Early Show that he was looking for a job in the private sector because “If I could create one job in the private sector by helping to grow a business, that would be one more than Congress has created in the last six months,” This echoes the Republican assault on the recovery plan as summarized by newly elected Senate Scott Brown of Massachusetts, that the stimulus plan “didn’t create one new job.”
These moderates are so damned frustrating. They build their identity around the fact that the best policy lies somewhere between what Democrats want and what Republicans want. If all sides were operating good faith, this might work some of the time. But when what one party wants is for the other party to fail, the concept breaks down. Then, all the moderates do is facilitate a nihilistic approach to government by creating gridlock.
So, here we are the Republicans, who handed Obama two unfinished wars and an economy heading into another depression, have had some success painting Democrats as either incompetent failures who can’t get anything done or successful socialists who are taking the country into the dictatorship of the proletariat. And the result, if achieve their goal, will be to hand the government back to them to do it all again.
Grrrr!

Reality Check
But I don’t think anybody with half a brain (and maybe that excludes more people than it should) doesn’t realize that the Democrats problems are overwhelmingly tied to the fact that we’re in the midst of the worst recession since the end of the Second World War. Whether it’s 75% of the problem or 80% or 90% I sort of go back and forth on in my mind. But clearly this is overwhelmingly the issue.
That said, for the life of me, I can understand why they haven’t passed the Senate bill with the reconciliation fix on healthcare.

